CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Overview
Cyberbullying is a relatively new form of bullying that no longer limits bullying behavior to a physical location. A worldwide concern, one not defined by borders, cyberbullying allows the bully access to his or her victim 24 hours a day, seven days a week (Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018; Zych, Ortega-Ruiz, & Del Ray, 2015). Cyberbullying is not limited to a student’s primary and secondary educational career, and research indicates that bullying often continues into postsecondary education (Slovak, Crabbs, & Stryffeler, 2015). Cyberbullying research among college-level populations is growing (Sobba, Prochaska, Radu, Gass, & Glidden, 2019); however, a gap exists in cyberbullying research among postsecondary student populations at faith-based universities (Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018). Investigating the differences in the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization and offending experiences at faith-based universities, based on biological gender and level of religiosity, is a way to assist administrators and faculty as they strive to understand, and mitigate, modern-day campus safety issues that potentially affect university students. This chapter provides background information, explores the history of the problem, introduces theories associated with cyberbullying, shows the significance of the study, and addresses the gap in the literature. The chapter concludes with the study’s research questions and essential definitions for understanding the topic.
Background
Bullying is a common phenomenon among children, adolescents, college students, and young adults, and although an old phenomenon, most of the formal research on bullying did not begin until the 1970s (Alqahtani et al., 2018). Traditionally, bullies gain power over their victims, and a physical manifestation of the bullying behavior is observable in the classroom, in social settings, or in the victim’s neighborhood (Chisholm, 2014). With advances in technology and an increase in Internet usage among people of all ages, a new form of bullying has emerged (Selkie, Fales, & Moreno, 2016). Like traditional bullying, cyberbullying involves a perpetrator (offender) and a victim; however, because the bully is not physically present, the damaging effects of the bully’s behavior can potentially emerge long before the discovery of the bully’s identity (Selkie et al., 2016).
With a consistent rise in technology use for educational purposes, cyberbullying is a 21st century problem that affects students at all levels of education. Cyberbullying can cause serious consequences in all areas of a student’s life, including (a) academic studies, (b) mental health, (c) social-interaction, and (d) physical well-being (Muzamil & Shah, 2016; Williford & Depaolis, 2016). Yang and Grinshteyn (2016) found that victims of cyberbullying often struggle with severe psychological issues, suicidal thoughts, and potentially have a greater risk of attempting suicide. As students’ progress through school, interface time with peers in cyberspace increases. The increased digital footprint, the speed at which the Internet and social media are expanding, the potential anonymity, and the lack of consequences increases the possibility that cyberbullying will occur into the college years (Slovak et al., 2015).
History of the Problem
Traditional bullying involves a face-to-face encounter between the bully and the victim and refers to any intentional harassment, or physically aggressive behavior, done repeatedly and over time (Olweus, 1994). Studies show that traditional bullying has negative effects on the victim (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2010; Vandebosch, Poels, & Deboutte, 2014). Impacts of traditional bullying include, but are not limited to, (a) depression, (b) suicide, (c) anxiety, and (d) low academic performance (Nakamoto & Schwartz, 2010). Although traditional forms of bullying continue to occur, in recent years, the focus has shifted from traditional bullying to cyberbullying.
Cyberbullying research is comparatively new, predominantly limited to the past 20 years, with the majority of published studies conducted among middle and high school populations between the ages of 9 and 18 (Alqahtani et al., 2018; Peled, 2019; Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018). Researchers do not agree on a definition of cyberbullying and methods of measuring cyberbullying vary; therefore, determining accurate prevalence rates of cyberbullying victimization and aggression continues to be a challenge (Cross et al., 2016; Kofoed & Staksrud, 2019). Other factors that skew a realistic picture of cyberbullying prevalence rates are age, differences in time of measurement, and cross-cultural considerations (Selkie et al., 2016).
Hinduja and Patchin (2013) indicated that cyberbullying might potentially take place through behaviors such as (a) cyberstalking, (b) denigration, (c) flaming, (d) harassment, (e) impersonation, and (f) trickery. Research indicates that cyberbullying, now reported among college students and young adults, is on the rise (Peled, 2019). Although there are limited studies involving cyberbullying among postsecondary students, Myers and Cowie (2016) found that cyberbullying behaviors among university students might include ridicule, social exclusion, sharing confidential information, and sending negative messages based on an individual’s gender, socio-economic status, or sexual orientation, etc. These negative behaviors can have a significant impact on the mental health of those involved in such behaviors, both as victims and as offenders (Bergmann & Baier, 2018). It is also difficult for the victim to escape from a cyberbully because there is no geographical boundary (Musharraf & Anis-ul-Haque, 2018).
Social Setting
Campus safety has become a growing concern over the past decade with incidents including gun violence, physical violence, and other threats to student well-being (Kyle, Schafer, Burruss, & Giblin, 2017). Universities have implemented policies and procedures to help address the issues facing students; however, as technology use increases, a need for attention to promoting healthy online interaction among students is becoming necessary (Cassidy, Faucher, & Jackson, 2017). Recent studies also indicate that cyberbullying among postsecondary students is an area where further research and investigation is needed (Kyle et al., 2017; O’Connor, 2018).
Faith-based institutions have at the core of their mission the integration of faith and learning (C. Lee, 2018). Students attending American faith-based, evangelical universities learn that God created every person in His image, and that all believers have a direct responsibility in proclaiming that mission to transform the world in a positive way (Daniels & Gustafson, 2016). Often, students who attend faith-based universities have a theological connection to the mission of the university; however, because religion is based on a personal relationship, the assumption that student behaviors will always align with the mission may be incorrect (John 10:27 English Standard Version). Sin is part of the fallen world, and the propensity to sin does not escape the believer; therefore, the importance of understanding an issue (that may or may not align with a faith-based university’s mission) is important to the overall health and well-being of the students (Romans 3:23 New International Version).
Theoretical Framework
The theories guiding this study are the theory of reasoned action (TRA) and the theory of planned behavior (TPB; Doane, Pearson, & Kelley, 2014). The TRA and the TPB are two intertwined theories that focus on behavioral intention as the best predictor of behavior. Both theories assert that cyberbullying, as a behavior, is controllable, and both theories are thus reviewed within this theoretical framework. With cyberbullying being a relatively new problem, there is limited research that places it within a strong theoretical framework; however, “The TRA and the TPB provide a framework to identify key behavioral, normative, and control beliefs affecting behaviors” (Montano & Kasprzyk, 2008, p. 76). The TRA is a framework used for designing cyberbullying prevention programs, targeting attitudes, and normative functions.
The TPB relates to the TRA and adds the construct of perceived control to the TRA model (Montano & Kasprzyk, 2008). It is important to help individuals explore the nature of specific behaviors, whether in the role of a victim or offender. Understanding the behavior allows for prevention programs to align with the behavior and outcome measurement can then be utilized (Zagorscak, Schultze-Krumbholz, Heinrich, Wölfer, & Scheithauer, 2019). Both theories provided a framework for examining the differences in the prevalence of cyberbullying experiences among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based universities.
Problem Statement
Cyberbullying is a global problem, with local ramifications, for individuals of all ages. Research shows that there are more individuals bullied in cyberspace than there are cyberbullies (Beyazit, Şimşek, & Ayhan, 2017). The expansion of social media and technology use is causing an increase in cyberbullying across space and time (Elci & Seckin, 2019). Approximately 34% of students report experiencing cyberbullying during their lifetime, and 15% of students admit to cyberbullying others (Beyazit et al., 2017). According to Musharraf and Anis-ul-Haque (2018), 67% of the university students studied reported being involved in cyberbullying, as a victim or an offender. Control and prevention of cyberbullying, especially among college students, is challenging because young adult students have limited supervision and lack the protection of family and school; therefore, it is difficult for administrators, faculty, and peers to intervene effectively (Elci & Seckin, 2019).
Cyberbullying can have multiple definitions and multiple meanings (Sabella, Patchin, & Hinduja, 2013). Alqahtani et al. (2018) indicated that an inconsistent definition of cyberbullying and online aggression presents a challenge to researchers investigating the construct of cyberbullying. For the purpose of this study, cyberbullying is defined as “when someone repeatedly harasses, mistreats, or makes fun of another person, (on purpose to hurt them) online or while using cell phones or other electronic devices” (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015, p. 11).
In reviewing the literature, the bulk of cyberbullying research conducted exists among students in Grades K-12 (Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018). There is minimal research that focuses on the prevalence of cyberbullying among college and university students; moreover, the existing studies are limited to specific populations, utilized small sample sizes, and have prevalence rates that vary significantly from study to study (Myers & Cowie, 2016; Peled, 2019). In addition, the body of cyberbullying research conducted at faith-based universities is scarce (Alqahtani et al., 2018; Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018). The problem is cyberbullying continues to threaten students’ well-being, and there is a lack of research on the prevalence of cyberbullying experiences among postsecondary student populations at faith-based universities.
Purpose Statement
The purpose of this quantitative, causal-comparative study is to examine the differences in the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization experiences and cyberbullying offending experiences, based on biological gender and level of religiosity, to assist university faculty and administration in understanding this 21st century issue. The dependent variables are the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization experiences and the prevalence of cyberbullying offending experiences. For this study, prevalence of cyberbullying is measured by how many times someone has been a victim of cyberbullying and how many times someone has been a cyberbully (or offender). Cyberbullying victimization is when someone is repeatedly mistreated, harassed, or made fun of (on purpose to hurt them) online or while using cell phones or any electronic devices (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015). Cyberbullying (offending) is when someone repeatedly mistreats, harasses, or makes fun of another person (with the intent to hurt them) online or while using cell phones or any electronic devices (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015).
The independent variables are biological gender (female/male) and level of religiosity (higher/lower). For this study, the definition of biological gender is female and male, determined by biological sex, as created by God (Genesis 1:27 New King James Version). Level of religiosity is generally defined as the frequency of church attendance (organizational religious activity), time spent in private religious activities (non-organizational religious activity), experiences with the Divine (God), and how one’s beliefs influence one’s behavior (intrinsic religiosity; Koenig, Parkerson, & Meador, 1997; Storch, et al., 2004). The level of religiosity is determined by measuring the level of religious involvement using an instrument that assesses one’s organizational religious activity, non-organizational religious activity, and intrinsic religiosity (Koenig & Büssing, 2010). A higher level of religiosity indicates the individual reports a high frequency of church attendance, strong belief in God, and significant time spent in private religious activities. A lower level of religiosity indicates that the individual reports little to no church attendance, little to no belief in God, and little to no time spent in private religious activities (Koenig et al., 1997). This study examined the differences that may or may not be present between the independent variables as they relate to the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization experiences and the prevalence of cyberbullying offending experiences. By using a quantitative, causal-comparative research design, this study sought to determine how the groups differed or were the same as they related to the dependent variables.
This study examined the differences in the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization and offending experiences among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based institutions of higher learning to provide faculty, staff, and administrators with valuable information to determine how to mitigate and address at-risk, online behavior appropriately. Understanding differences in prevalence rates will allow administrators and faculty to target prevention programs accordingly and will provide statistical data to show if cyberbullying occurrence (as victim or offender) is different based on biological gender among students attending faith-based universities. Finally, examining the differences in cyberbullying prevalence experiences (as victim or offender), in light of a student’s level of religiosity, will potentially help faith-based universities better understand how faith influences character and behavior.
Significance of the Study
This study is significant to the education community, more specifically to administration, faculty, and staff in faith-based, postsecondary education settings who are responsible for the health and well-being of undergraduate students. Cyberbullying prevention and student safety should be important at all levels of education where the problem exists. As technology continues to evolve, and each student’s digital footprint increases, determining factors that contribute to cyberbullying and aggressive online behaviors will serve to improve the prevention programs that presently exist and provide statistical data to show the true scope of the problem. According to Gaffney, Farrington, Espelage, and Ttofi (2018), “Anti-cyberbullying programs can reduce cyberbullying perpetration by approximately 10%–15% and cyberbullying victimization by approximately 14%” (para. 3). Cyberbullying is a prevalent form of aggression among individuals in today’s society; therefore, it is an important topic to study to improve prevention and intervention strategies (Gaffney et al., 2018). According to Selkie et al. (2016), cyberbullying has “established links” (p. 125) to mental and physical health problems; therefore, studying cyberbullying prevalence will provide up-to-date, relevant statistical data to allow targeted, evidence-based strategies to help reduce incidents. In 2010, after being shamed on social media, college freshman Tyler Clementi died by suicide and thrust the topic of cyberbullying at the postsecondary level into the spotlight (O’Connor, 2018).
Cyberbullying provides the bully with the opportunity to inflict harm anonymously, which often creates a severe problem for educators trying to address the issue (Musharraf & Anis-ul-Haque, 2018). Studies show that prevalence rates vary among college students, even in the same geographic region (Musharraf & Anis-ul-Haque, 2018). According to Varghese and Pistole (2017), 15.1% of college students reported being a victim of cyberbullying, and 8% of college students reported being an offender, indicating that cyberbullying behaviors do continue into the college years. Khine et al. (2020) found in a sample of 412 university students that 40.8% of males and 51.1% of females studied reported being victims of cyberbullying over a period of 12 months. The disparity in those two studies is just a sample of the inconsistencies in prevalence rates across cyberbullying research at the postsecondary level.
There are limited studies on cyberbullying prevalence among traditional undergraduate students at faith-based institutions (Slovak et al., 2015; Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018). O’Connor (2018) asserted that a university should be aware of the institution’s unique characteristics when addressing the issue of cyberbullying among its student body. The religious foundation of a faith-based institution may provide a false perception of cyberbullying prevalence rates among its students. Many faith-based colleges and universities require a profession of faith, via a written testimony, as part of the application process; therefore, one may assume that an issue such as cyberbullying would be rare among this specific student population.
A gap in the research exists when looking at the prevalence rates of cyberbullying experiences among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based universities (Slovak et al., 2015; Webber & Ovedovitz, 2018; Zacchilli & Valerio, 2011). This research study addresses the gap in the literature related to cyberbullying prevalence rates among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based universities by examining the prevalence of cyberbullying experiences (victimization and offending) based on biological gender and level of religiosity. This study provides faculty, administrators, and stakeholders with relevant statistical data to help formulate plans to address the issue as necessary. It also provides information to assist with the implementation of more efficiently targeted prevention programs, based on the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization and offending experiences among different populations of traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based colleges and universities.
Research Questions
The goal of this quantitative, causal-comparative study was to determine whether there were differences in the prevalence of cyberbullying experiences (victimization and offending) based on biological gender (female/male) and level of religiosity (higher/lower) among students attending two faith-based universities to assist the administration and faculty in targeting prevention programs to ensure student safety. The following questions guided the study:
RQ1: Is there a difference in the prevalence of cyberbullying victimization experiences, based on biological gender and level of religiosity, among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based universities?
RQ2: Is there a difference in the prevalence of cyberbullying offending experiences, based on biological gender and level of religiosity, among traditional undergraduate students attending faith-based universities?
Definitions
Biological gender – The gender designation of female and male, determined by biological sex, as created by God (Genesis 1:27).
Bullying – Any repetitive, aggressive behavior where there is a definite imbalance of power (Smith, 2016).
Cyberbullying offending – When someone “repeatedly harasses, mistreats, or makes fun of another person (with the intent to hurt them) online or while using cell phones, or any electronic devices” (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015, p. 11).
Cyberbullying victimization – When someone is “repeatedly harassed, mistreated, or made fun of (on purpose to hurt them) online or while using cell phones or any electronic devices” (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015, p. 11).
Cyberstalking – The use of repetitive, threatening behavior to cause fear (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Denigration – A form of cyberbullying where a student posts gossip with damaging information about another student (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Doxing – The intentional release of personal information without permission onto the Internet by a third party, with the intent to threaten, humiliate, or intimidate (Douglas, 2016).
Electronic communication – Communication involving any “transfer of signs, signals, writing, images, sounds, data transferred whole or in part by wire, radio, a photo electronic or photo-optical system, including electronic mail, Internet communications, instant messages, and facsimile communications” (Langos, 2012, p. 288).
Flaming – The act of exchanging angry messages (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Harassment – A form of cyberbullying that involves sending mean, hurtful messages (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Information & communication technologies (ICT) – Technologies that provide access to information through the medium of telecommunication (Chisholm, 2014).
Instant messaging – A type of online chat that allows for real-time text transmission between two or more individuals (Peled, 2019).
Impersonation – A form of cyberbullying where the bully pretends to be someone they are not (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Prevalence of cyberbullying – How many times someone has been a victim of cyberbullying in the past 30 days, and how many times someone has been a cyberbully (or offender) in the past 30 days (Hinduja & Patchin, 2015).
Religiosity (level of) – The frequency of church attendance, time spent in private religious activities, experiences with the Divine (God), and how one’s beliefs influence one’s behavior (Koenig & Büssing, 1997).
Social networking – Using different platforms to build one’s social network or relationships among individuals who share similar activities, interests, backgrounds, or real-life connections (Peled, 2019).
Text messaging – The act of composing and sending short electronic messages between two or more mobile phone devices (Peled, 2019).
Trickery – A type of cyberbullying where the bully tricks his or her victim into giving out personal information and then posts it publicly without their permission (Hinduja & Patchin, 2013).
Table of Contents
- CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION
- CHAPTER TWO - LITERATURE REVIEW
- CHAPTER THREE - METHODS
- CHAPTER FOUR - FINDINGS
- CHAPTER FIVE - CONCLUSIONS
- REFERENCES
- APPENDIX A - CYBERBULLYING AND ONLINE AGGRESSION SURVEY
- APPENDIX B - DUKE UNIVERSITY RELIGION INDEX (DUREL)
- APPENDIX C - INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD PERMISSION